We shall post some parts (if not all) of the everlasting book: “The Jewish State”, by Theodor Herzl.
Also, we will try to make some sort of disussion about some parts of this important book.
Thanks to Gutenberg project and this Jewish Judaica Store
We shall post some parts (if not all) of the everlasting book: “The Jewish State”, by Theodor Herzl.
Also, we will try to make some sort of disussion about some parts of this important book.
Thanks to Gutenberg project and this Jewish Judaica Store
As we have discovered over the course of the past several Chaburas, a typical Jewish wedding is composed of a wonderfully complex collection of laws and customs, rife with symbolism and significance. Having discussed much of the peripheral and more custom-oriented aspects of the procedures, we will now be covering the ceremony itself.
Before beginning with our study of the evolution of our current practices, a quick rundown of the terminology involved and the basic “game plan” of a Jewish marriage ceremony as it is commonly practiced in Ashkenazic circles today. The “mesader kiddushin” takes a cup of wine and says a “borei pri ha-gafen” on it. Before anyone drinks from the cup, he then says the birchat erusin (blessing of betrothal – this week’s focus), and then both the groom and bride are given the cup to take a sip. The groom then turns to the bride, and, in the presence of two valid witnesses, says “behold you are betrothed to me with this ring as per the law of Moses and Israel.” He then slips the ring onto her finger, and the erusin (or kiddushin) segment is concluded.
It has become virtually a universal practice to have a break at this point to separate between the erusin and the nisu’in. This is generally accomplished with the reading of the ketubah (marriage contract) and possibly a speech. Neither of these procedures is necessary to effect the marriage, although it has become the custom for the groom to hand the ketubah to the bride (see J. David Bleich’s article in Tradition 31:2 for more on this topic). The nisu’in, or formal marriage procedures, then occur. Seven blessings (sheva berachot – next week’s topic), beginning with borei pri ha-gafen on another cup of wine, are recited. After the final blessing is recited, the groom and bride are once again given the cup to sip from. This drinking marks the formal end of the ceremony, although it is generally followed the breaking of a glass as a memorial for the destroyed Temple in Jerusalem.
BIRCHAT ERUSIN
As noted above, our focus this week will be the first half of the ceremony, known as the erusin, or betrothal. In the times of the Talmud, this took place roughly a year before the nisu’in and functioned a manner somewhat similar to our engagements. However, the couple was considered to be married to some degree, although the continued to live separately. Today, both the erusin and nisu’in are done together, an arrangement which, as we will see, will help to smooth over some of the trickier aspects of the blessing that is recited.
The gemara in Ketubot 7b cites a braita which states that “birchat chatanim (a.k.a. sheva berachot) are recited in the groom’s house, and birchat erusin in the place of the erusin.” The gemara then asks what the blessing recited by erusin is and responds with the following formulation: “Blessed are You…who made us holy and commanded us in the forbidden relations, and forbade to us betrothed women, and permitted to us married women via chupah and kiddushin.” The gemara then relates a view that the blessing should be concluded with “Blessed are You…who sanctifies Israel via chupah and kiddushin.” However, the gemara notes that it was not the universal practice to conclude with a second formulation of “Blessed are You.”
This last point is crucial to our understanding of the blessing. The gemara says that one who does add such a closing formulation does so in a manner similar to kiddush on Shabbat, which ends with a second blessing. As Rashi notes, as both kiddush and kiddushin discuss the sanctification of the Jewish people, they are viewed in similar ways and the blessings are affected accordingly. However, one who omits this ending places the birchat erusin on par with a regular blessing, such as the ones made on fruit or on the performance of a mitzva, such as putting on tefillin. Rashi explains that since there is one singular thanks being given here to Hashem, no second blessing is needed.
This issue gets to the heart and soul of our topic. What kind of blessing are we dealing with here? In general, blessings are divided up into three categories: those said before performing certain mitzvot, those said in praise of Hashem, and those said before deriving pleasure from something such as food. Where does the birchat erusin fit in? This question is raised by Rosh, who assumes at first that we are dealing with a blessing on a mitzvah. However, if that is the case, he asks, then why do we make a blessing on something that has been forbidden to us? Furthermore, why do we mention the chupah at this point, if the chupah is not really a factor until the nisu’in (the fact that it all occurs under the chupah nowadays is merely a result of the fact that everything is done at once)? Rosh answers that this is not really a blessing on a mitzva, since the mitzva that is involved here is really that of procreation, which is not occurring at this moment and is not one for which a formal marriage is needed (since one could fulfill his obligation in this regard via a concubine when they were permitted). Instead, what we are dealing with here is a blessing of praise for Hashem for separating us from the other nations by commanding us to marry only certain women who are not deemed to be forbidden to us, and furthermore to only marry them via the process of chupah and kiddushin (this links to Rashi’s statement at the beginning of Vayikra 19 that the term “kedusha” means being separate from forbidden relationships).
Mordechai approaches this issue from a slightly different angle. He raises the question of why we do not simply bless “who commanded us to betroth the woman,” similar to the formulation used by lighting Chanukah candles and reading the Megilla on Purim? He answers that since the betrothal is not the conclusion of the mitzva, there is thus no regular birchat ha-mitzva recited on it. What is notable here is the fact that Mordechai seems to assume that the appropriate blessing here would be of the category of blessings said upon performing commandments. Rashba adds that even though this is not actually the mitzva, since marriage is a concept that has its roots in the Torah, it is considered to be important enough to merit its own blessing. Ritva offers two perspectives on this point. He suggests, like Rosh, that there is no birchat ha-mitzva to be said here. Alternatively, he cites Ramban who says that there should be a birchat ha-mitzva here but since this is not the conclusion of the mitzva it is not said. He also cites Rabbeinu Yonah, who rules that the birchat ha-mitzva is left out since the completion of this act depends on both parties, and since the one making the blessing cannot be sure that both will carry through with the betrothal until it is done, no birchat ha-mitzva is said (a similar logic is employed to explain why there is no blessing said on the giving of tzedaka).
Having reviewed the major opinions as to what a “chupah” is, what are we to do in practice? This issue is solved largely by the Bach. Thus, in his time, when weddings were often done on Fridays before Shabbat, the head of the bride would be covered after Shacharit (thus fulfilling Tosafot in Yoma 13a, which says that chupah is when the bride leaves her house with her hair adorned). It seems that the basic assumption was that this would be done by her father or by the Rabbi, and thus the Bach notes that the groom should either do this by himself or at least have a part in doing so. Then, when the blessings were to be made, a canopy would be placed on poles and held over the bride and the groom. After the blessings were complete, the bride and groom would retreat to their house and eat in a secluded place, which was considered to be the main fulfillment of chupah.
Our practice is basically the same. Before what we call the chupah is the “bedeken” (from the German meaning “to cover”; not from the Hebrew for “to check”), where the groom brings the veil down over the face of the bride. While there are several reasons for this practice, the fact that it may constitute chupah has led some poskim to require that two witnesses be designated for this part of the ceremony as well as for everything that follows. We follow the bedeken with what is known as the chupah, where the bride and groom stand under the canopy (or tallit, or both) and the blessings are recited. Finally, they retire to the “yichud room,” where they share a meal together. As those who claim that yichud constitutes chupah speak of the groom bringing the bride into his domicile, there are those (Mishna Berura and others) who require that the groom “own” the yichud room, usually done by making a mainly nominal deal with the owner of the catering hall or hotel. Again, as yichud may be the actual chupah, witnesses are designated and stand guard outside the room.
Welcome To Our House
As we have already noted, the view of Rambam, if only due to its stringencies, is not the one that is popularly followed these days. That being the case, what do we consider to be the chupah? The Beit Yoseif, after citing Rambam and the dissension of Ran against him, goes on to rule that chupah occurs when the groom brings the wife from her father’s house into his house. This view seems to make perfect sense with the various verses in the Torah that refer to an unmarried girl as still being in her “father’s house.” (e.g. Vayikra 22:13, Bamidbar 30:4) This view also makes sense in light of a statement of the Perisha. He notes that the word “chupah” stems from the word “chofeh,” meaning to cover or protect. It is used here to indicate the fact that once the woman enters into the domain of her husband, he then accepts upon himself the responsibility of caring for and protecting her (we will see that this statement of the Perisha can work for other views as well).
The Beit Yoseif also brings down two more views as to what chupah is. He cites the Orchot Chaim, speaking in the name of the Ittur, who claims that Jewish wedding - chupah occurs when the father of the bride hands over his daughter to her groom and they together enter into a house (or some structure) that has something new done to it and they are alone together there. As an example, he notes that some people fulfilled this by making a booth out of roses, which sounds somewhat similar to what we refer to today as a chupah. The Beit Yoseif also notes a view that says that a chupah is when a cloth is spread over the heads of the bride and groom when the blessings are made for them. While he rejects this view, we will see that it is a practice which has survived and is part of our “chupah” today.
Having reviewed the major opinions as to what a “chupah” is, what are we to do in practice? This issue is solved largely by the Bach. Thus, in his time, when weddings were often done on Fridays before Shabbat, the head of the bride would be covered after Shacharit (thus fulfilling Tosafot in Yoma 13a, which says that chupah is when the bride leaves her house with her hair adorned). It seems that the basic assumption was that this would be done by her father or by the Rabbi, and thus the Bach notes that the groom should either do this by himself or at least have a part in doing so. Then, when the blessings were to be made, a canopy would be placed on poles and held over the bride and the groom. After the blessings were complete, the bride and groom would retreat to their house and eat in a secluded place, which was considered to be the main fulfillment of chupah.
Our practice is basically the same. Before what we call the chupah is the “bedeken” (from the German meaning “to cover”; not from the Hebrew for “to check”), where the groom brings the veil down over the face of the bride. While there are several reasons for this practice, the fact that it may constitute chupah has led some poskim to require that two witnesses be designated for this part of the ceremony as well as for everything that follows. We follow the bedeken with what is known as the chupah, where the bride and groom stand under the canopy (or tallit, or both) and the blessings are recited. Finally, they retire to the “yichud room,” where they share a meal together. As those who claim that yichud constitutes chupah speak of the groom bringing the bride into his domicile, there are those (Mishna Berura and others) who require that the groom “own” the yichud room, usually done by making a mainly nominal deal with the owner of the catering hall or hotel. Again, as yichud may be the actual chupah, witnesses are designated and stand guard outside the room. Judaica articles.
One of the most serious areas of law that is involved here concerns the laws of yichud. A man is not allowed to be alone in a closed room (or any place where they do not fear being disturbed) with a woman, with very few exceptions. One such exception is his wife, and this topic will lead us directly into the first of the opinions on chupah, that of Rambam.
Assuming one of the strictest views on what chupah is, Rambam writes (Hil. Ishut 10:1) that Jewish wedding chupah occurs when the man brings the woman into his house and has yichud with her. At this point she is considered to be a “nesu’ah” (married woman) and is considered to be his wife for all areas of halacha. He concludes by noting that this seclusion accomplishes the goal of cementing the marriage even if the couple had not yet had relations with each other, so long as they could have done so (”chupah ha-re’uyah l’bi’a“).
This last comment of Rambam is crucial to his overall view. As the Derisha notes, Rambam’s position is based on the perspective that the entire point of the chupah is the relations that will follow. Thus, even if the relations do not occur, as long as it is possible that they could have, the chupah is valid. This becomes an issue in an area that we will only mention briefly here, namely the case of a “chupat nidda,” when the woman is menstruating at the time of the Jewish wedding chupah. Since she is forbidden to any man at that time, there is no possibility for relations to occur, and the two are not fully married and may not be alone with each other until such time as she is pure and they can consummate their marriage (we should note that this is not the view that is followed today).
The Kesef Mishna cites Ran, who is shocked at the view of Rambam. He brings in the gemara in Yevamot 57b, which states clearly that women who are unfit for marriage for whatever reason can still have a valid chupah. Rosh (Ketubot 5:6) also objects to the view of Rambam. He first cites Rabbeinu Channanel and Rif, who agree with Rambam, and then cites Rambam himself. However, he notes that throughout the gemara, whenever the issue of chupah is involved with the ramifications being whether or not a non-kohein woman who is marrying a kohein will be able to eat from terumah (food given to the priests that only they may eat), the question of a chupat nidda is never raised. Thus, says Rosh, there is clearly an assumption that a chupat nidda is valid. To deal more directly with the concerns of Rambam, Rosh notes that so long as the groom enters the chupah with the intentions to consummate the marriage, the chupah is valid even if his wife is then found to be impure (the Magid Mishna agrees with this opinion). Perhaps concerned with the view of Rambam, the Hagahot Ashri notes in the name of the Mordechai that there was the practice to inform the groom before the chupah if his wife was impure. While he does not specify whose view he is following, if he were to be following the view of Rambam, then the chupah would clearly not be valid if the woman were to be impure.
Part 2 of 7
In the good old days, a man and a woman would enter into a state of “erusin” (engagement) a significant time before they actually got married. Unlike modern-day engagements, which have no real halachic status, this stage was a kind of a partial-married state. However, while this stage meant that the man and women were designated for each other, there is a slew of laws regarding husband and wife that do not kick in until the marriage has been completed, which Rambam and Tur agree happens with the chupah.
Bamidbar 30 speaks about the laws of taking vows. A woman who lives in her father’s house can have her vows canceled by her father if he hears them on the day that she makes them. Once she is married, however, the husband assumes this privilege, and can negate the vows taken by his wife. Only once chupah has happened does the husband acquire the power to do such a thing. Until that point, the girl is still considered to be in her father’s house. Similarly, if a woman were to pass away unmarried, any possessions that she owns would go to her relatives. Once she is married, her husband assumes the position of prominence among her heirs. Once again, only once chupah has happened does he achieve this status.
part 1 of 7
It is fairly standard today for Jewish wedding invitations to list two times at which the affair will begin. The first time is for the reception/cocktails, and the second time is for the “chupah.” While there are certainly those who feel that the former is more important, there is no doubt that it is the latter that is the religious high point of the wedding. It is with the commencement of the “chupah” (or perhaps its conclusion) that the man and wife become officially married to one another, ready to begin their new lives together. However, there is much debate among the Rishonim and poskim as to what is meant by the term “chupah.”
Why should it matter? In fact, what we consider to be the chupah has tremendous ramifications for various areas of Jewish law. We will use this introduction to note a few of these areas as background, and will then investigate some of the various opinions concerning this practice.
In the good old days, a man and a woman would enter into a state of “erusin” a significant time before they actually got married. Unlike modern-day engagements, which have no real halachic status, this stage was a kind of a partial-married state. However, while this stage meant that the man and women were designated for each other, there is a slew of laws regarding husband and wife that do not kick in until the marriage has been completed, which Rambam and Tur agree happens with the chupah.
Bamidbar 30 speaks about the laws of taking vows. A woman who lives in her father’s house can have her vows cancelled by her father if he hears them on the day that she makes them. Once she is married, however, the husband assumes this privilege, and can negate the vows taken by his wife. Only once chupah has happened does the husband acquire the power to do such a thing. Until that point, the girl is still considered to be in her father’s house. Similarly, if a woman were to pass away unmarried, any possessions that she owns would go to her relatives. Once she is married, her husband assumes the position of prominence among her heirs. Once again, only once chupah has happened does he achieve this status.
One of the most serious areas of law that is involved here concerns the laws of yichud. A man is not allowed to be alone in a closed room (or any place where they do not fear being disturbed) with a woman, with very few exceptions. One such exception is his wife, and this topic will lead us directly into the first of the opinions on chupah, that of Rambam.
Why should it matter? In fact, what we consider to be the chupah has tremendous ramifications for various areas of Jewish law. We will use this introduction to note a few of these areas as background, and will then investigate some of the various opinions concerning this practice.
we don’t have the opportunity to see Israel videos like this one (I know i don’t).
Here is one to show is around the world.
One of the most common symbols and associations with being Jewish is the menorah. For religious and non-religious alike, all Jewish individuals have attached a particular spiritual significance to the menorah in celebrating one of the most prominent Jewish holidays, the festival of Lights that is Hanukah. An artistically crafted Menorah from jJudaica.com will enhance your celebration of one of the great Jewish traditions.
Tefillin are black leather boxes, containing scrolls with written passages from the bible document.write(’
‘); are holy pieces of Judaica that can enhance the holiness and richness of the connection with God. Tefillin traditionally was given to every Jewish male upon his Bar Mitzvah at aged thirteen, but in this day and age people have Bar Mitzvahs at all ages, and do not always receive tefillin. This is the perfect chance to change that and fulfill and help someone complete the Holy Covenant with God with their own personal set of tefillin.
Purim is one of the wildest Jewish holidays. It is the celebration where everyone traditionally dresses up in costumes, giving rise to all manner of gifts and costume accessories! Don’t miss out on the fun of this most festive of Jewish holidays. Purim marks the celebration in which everyone reads from the Megillah and waives their groggers in theirPurim costumes, and is a source of never-ending fun. Authentic Purimm gifts from jJudaica.com can add to that fun, and give the most festive atmosphere to your experience of this great costume-filled Jewish holiday.
The mezuzah is a holy part of everyday Jewish life. Housing the scrolls on which two of the four passages used in Tefillin are hand printed, the mezuzah adds sanctity to the most holy aspects of daily Jewish life, the home. A mezuzah on every door will sanctify the holiness of every room in your house through the power of the words printed on the scrolls of every mezuzah : Deuteronomy 6:4-9 and 11:13-21.
The Hebrew word Shabbat comes from the Hebrew verb shavat, which literally means “to cease.” Although Shabbat (or its anglicized version, “Sabbath”) is almost universally translated as “rest” or a “period of rest,” a more literal translation would be “ceasing”, with the implication of “ceasing from work.” Thus, Shabbat is the day of ceasing from work; while resting is implied, it is not a necessary denotation of the word itself. For example, the Hebrew word for “strike” (as in work stoppage) is shevita, which comes from the same Hebrew root as Shabbat, and has the same implication, namely that the striking workers actively abstain from work, rather than passively.
Incidentally, this clarifies the often-asked theological question of why God needed to “rest” on the seventh day of Creation according to Genesis. When it is understood that God “ceased” from his labor rather than “rested” from his labour, the usage is more consistent with the Biblical view of an omnipotent God who does not “rest.”
A common linguistic confusion leads many to believe that the word means “seventh day.” Though the root for seven, or sheva, is similar in sound, it is derived from a different root word. Shabbat is the source for the English term Sabbath, and for the word in many languages meaning “Saturday”, such as the Arabic As-Sabt (السبت), the Armenian Shabat (Շաբաթ), the Persian shambe, Spanish and Portuguese Sábado , the Greek Savato, the Russian “subbota” (суббота) and the Italian word Sabato. It is also responsible for the word “sabbatical,” although that concept is also derived from the Jewish concept of the sabbatical year.
Observance of Shabbat is mentioned a number of times in the Torah, most notably as the fourth of the Ten Commandments (Exodus 20:8-11 and Deuteronomy 5:12-15). Other instances are Exodus 31:12-17 and 35:2-3, Leviticus 19:3 and 30, 23:3 and Numbers 28:9-10 (the sacrifices). It is referred to directly by the prophets Isaiah (56:4,6) and Ezekiel (ch. 20, 22, 23) and Nehemiah 9:14, apart from numerous other allusions in the Jewish Bible.
Jewish law’s definition defines a day as ending at dusk and nightfall, which is when the next day then begins. Thus, Shabbat begins before sundown Friday night and ends at after nightfall Saturday night (traditionally, after three stars can be seen in the sky). The added time between sunset and nightfall on Saturday night owes to the ambiguous status of that part of the day according to Jewish law.
On occasions the word Shabbat can refer to the law of Shemittah (Sabbatical year) or to the Jewish holidays, or to a week of days, dependent on the context.
What Is Lag Ba’omer?
Lag Ba’Omer is the shorthand way of saying the thirty-third day of the omer. It falls on the 33rd day of the counting of the Omer, as counted from the second day of Passover until the holiday of Shavuot. This corresponds to the 18th day of the month of Iyar (2007: Sunday 6th May).
“Lag” is not really a word. In ancient Hebrew, letters were used for numerals (and are still used in gematria), and the number 33 was therefore written with the letters “lamed”, ל, (L, value 30) and “gimel”, ג, (G, value 3), making up “Lag” (33) לג.
Sephardim have the minhag (custom) of calling this holiday Lag La’Omer, which has been claimed to be more accurate according to the rules of Hebrew grammar. Lag La’Omer means the thirty-third day “of the Omer”, as opposed to Ba’Omer – “in the Omer.”
This has been disputed with the argument that in Hebrew, the prefix used when counting is “B’” or “Ba”, as in Tu B’Av, Tisha B’av, etc. The “Ba” prefix in Hebrew can mean “relating to”, as opposed to “la”, which denotes “belonging to”
Yom haShoah Ve’Hagvura or Yom HaShoah (יום השואה yom ha-sho’āh, יום הזיכרון לשואה ולגבורה-Yom ha-zikaron la-Shoah v’la-Gvura), “Holocaust Martyrs’ Remembrance Day” or, literally, “Remembrance day for The Holocaust and Heroism”, takes place on the 27th day of the month Nisan, in the Hebrew calendar, which falls in the early spring. It is held every year in remembrance of the 6,000,000+ Jews who perished in the Holocaust. It is a national memorial day in Israel.
Here in Israel, one can notice that most of Israel national television channels are out, except those that keep the broadcastings according to our memorial day.
Chol HaMoed, is a Hebrew phrase which means “weekdays [of] the festival”, refers to the intermediate days of Passover and Sukkot. During Chol HaMoed the usual restrictions that apply to the Biblical Jewish holidays are relaxed, but not entirely eliminated.[1] Hallel and Mussaf prayers must be said on these days, as on Yom Tov, although on Chol Hamoed of Passover, an abridged form of Hallel is recited. The tachanun prayer is also omitted.
Passover is a seven-day festival (eight in the Diaspora), of which days second though sixth – third though sixth in the Diaspora – are Chol HaMoed. Sukkot is a seven-day festival, of which days second though seventh (third through seventh in the Diaspora) are Chol HaMoed.
On Chol HaMoed, tefillin are not worn during the prayers by all except certain groups of Ashkenazi Jews and Yemenite Jews. Even those who wear tefillin do so without reciting the blessings, and remove the tefillin before Hallel or Mussaf.
On these days there are four aliyot at the Torah reading in synagogu
